Rejoicing the killing of LTTE supremo Prabakaran and wiping out of the Tigers is not enough for the Sri Lankan government to live peacefully. It should remember that the discrimination and suppression of Tamilians in the past led to the self determination and worst terror movement. Any attempt to ignore Tamil grievances will back fire.
David L Philips writes in The Times of India (28 august 2009)
Many Sri Lankans are still jubilant from defeating the Tamil Tigers, a heinous terror group that caused immeasurable suffering during its violent
30-year struggle for an independent Tamil homeland in northern Sri Lanka. President Mahinda Rajapaksa showed leadership and resolve in crushing the Tigers.
Now he must heal the wounds of war that affect Tamil and Sinhalese alike. Relief, recovery and reconciliation are daunting tasks that the government need not undertake on its own. Building on a visit by a delegation of retired diplomats led by former US deputy secretary of state Richard Armitage, the UN secretary-general should appoint a special coordinator for post-conflict issues to strengthen the partnership between Sri Lanka and the international community.
The coordinator's primary mandate would be to mobilise foreign aid and build national capacity. Complementing efforts by the US, the European Union, Japan and Norway co-chairs of the so-called Friends of Sri Lanka the coordinator would act as Colombo's partisan with the international community, making sure pledges are deposited and commitments renewed.
Beyond the humanitarian emergency, another task would be to work with Sri Lanka's government to accelerate early recovery and facilitate the transition from relief to development. To complement aid with trade, the coordinator would encourage expansion of Sri Lanka's nascent manufacturing, agricultural and other industries. In addition to investment and risk insurance, making sure that countries open their markets to Sri Lankan products would also stimulate trade.
The coordinator can make sure that the World Bank and UN country team are at full throttle assisting Sri Lanka's government, which should not be wary of UN involvement. The UN is both benign and best placed to mobilise international expertise for a national recovery plan encompassing a broad range of activities from microcredit to public health.
Rajapaksa has pledged to address the root causes of conflict. To his credit, he has repeatedly recognised the legitimate hopes of Tamils for greater political and cultural rights. With elections upcoming, he is saying all the right things. However, his place in history will be judged not by what he says, but by what he does. Political reconciliation will be determined by his ability to further the aspirations of Tamils, and of other Sri Lankans. To help him deliver, the coordinator's mandate should include political issues. That means working with the government to encourage the protection and promotion of minority rights in accordance with international standards, and constitutional reform enabling decentralisation and power-sharing.
In every post-conflict situation, national and international forces align to promote sustainable peace. The international community, which generously supports Sri Lanka, does not dispute the ruthlessness of the Tamil Tigers. But questions linger about the military's final push when as many as 10,000 civilians may have died. Limits on humanitarian access and measures barring journalists and human rights groups have aggravated tensions. As a gesture of their concern, several countries including the US and UK abstained on the recent IMF vote to provide $2.8 billion to Sri Lanka. Without a peace and reconciliation process, Rajapaksa will face a growing international clamour for an investigation into civilian casualties. The International Criminal Court's prosecutor may act if the government does not.
Sri Lankans are concerned by the slow pace of reintegrating 2,80,000 Tamils who languish in displacement camps. The government must balance the need to make sure that Tamil Tiger fighters are not hiding among the displaced with the need for an efficient screening process. Delays cause inordinate suffering and are inconsistent with the humanitarian nature of Sri Lanka's Buddhist majority. The government was right to disarm the Tamil Tigers through military action. But all Tamils cannot be held responsible for crimes committed by Velupillai Prabhakaran. Measures are needed to reintegrate rank-and-file into civil society so they can participate in the peace-building process. Rajapaksa should also strengthen Sri Lanka's partnership with India, which is critical to mobilising support in the region and beyond.
Why appoint a special coordinator for post-conflict issues? Colombo-based ambassadors are already working together. However, donor countries have a notoriously short attention span. As part of a resource acquisition strategy, the coordinator would enhance current efforts and sustain activities requiring assistance long after the next international crisis comes along. Rajapaksa may also find it expedient to highlight the coordinator's role when he moves forward with political reforms.
Designating a coordinator would be a win-win for Sri Lanka and the international system. UN secretary-general Ban Ki-moon was criticised for not doing enough during the conflict. He can give definition to his "new multilateralism" by focusing the UN on Sri Lanka's post-conflict requirements. It would also help focus the UN's nascent peace-building support unit. While Rajapaksa may have won a great victory on the battlefield, a UN special coordinator can help Sri Lanka win the peace while demonstrating the benefits of international cooperation aimed at eradicating the root causes of extremism.
The writer is director of the Programme on Conflict Prevention and Peacebuilding at American University, Washington, DC.
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