Conservative BJP and Liberal Leaders

The BJP sounds conservative in its ideology but its leaders pretend and sound like liberals. This irony is costing the party dearly. The latest insult is by Jaswant Singh through his book.

Jag Suriya writes in The Times of India (19 August 2009)

The Jinnah djinn is out of the BJP bottle, yet again. And the question remains: who's going to put it back? Indeed, does it need to be put back?
Four years after L K Advani faced flak from his partymen for having praised Mohammed Ali Jinnah, the Father of Pakistan, for his 'secular' credentials, former external affairs minister Jaswant Singh has raised saffron hackles with his new book, Jinnah: India, Partition, Independence, in which he has hailed the creator of Pakistan as a 'great man' who has been 'demonised' by India.

In his book - whose launch was conspicuously shunned by his fellow saffronites - Jaswant claims that far from having to be wrested from India, Pakistan was more or less handed over to Jinnah by Congress leaders like Nehru and Sardar Patel. In a TV interview, the former external affairs minister said, "Gandhi himself called Jinnah a great Indian", and went on to add that Indian Muslims have been treated like 'aliens'.

What is perplexing here is not Jaswant's endorsement of Jinnah, or his stirring of the simmering communal cauldron by his reference to the 'alien' treatment meted out to the Muslims in India (an opinion which many share with him, though for very different reasons). What is truly perplexing is the adverse reaction of the sangh parivar - the BJP and the RSS - to Jaswant's assertions.

It is obvious that both these organisations, which supposedly stand for Hindu nationalism, need to be educated - or at least re-educated - in the finer points of realpolitik by their seemingly errant colleague. By simultaneously praising Jinnah and laying the blame for the Partition of the subcontinent on the ineptitude and intransigence of the Congress, Jaswant has with a single master stroke established two very significant rallying points for the BJP, which is in disarray after its disastrous showing in the last polls and its ongoing internal wrangling with former Rajasthan CM Vasundhara Raje.

By holding the Congress responsible for Partition, Jaswant has opened a new flank of attack on the BJP's chief adversary against whom the saffronites have long levelled the charge of pseudo-secularism. If the creation of Pakistan - and the consequent turmoil and strife that it has generated for over 60 years on the subcontinent, including the 'alienation' of Indian Muslims - can be laid at the doorstep of the Congress, its supposed pseudo-secularism will be made clear for all to see. Hold the Congress responsible for Partition and - bingo! - you can blame it for everything: the three wars with Pakistan, the nuclear arms race, the Kashmir problem, Godhra, the post-Godhra riots, the resistible rise of Narendra Modi, the works. It's all the fault of the Congress, which by pressing the button on Partition set the whole infernal machine in motion.

That's one part of Jaswant's two-pronged strategy: make the Congress a scapegoat for the genesis of communalism. The second part was unwittingly stumbled upon by a Congress spokesman who, with heavy sarcasm, described the BJP as the Bharatiya Jinnah Party - little realising that this is precisely what it is and what it has to be. For Jinnah, the so-called founder of Pakistan, could just as easily be called the founder - or father - of the BJP and the rest of the parivar. Because if someone like Jinnah - and his creation of Pakistan - hadn't existed the saffron brigade would have had to invent him in order to find a reason for its own existence. Fanaticism - in whatever form - always thrives on an equal and opposite fanaticism, each feeding on the other.

Without Pakistan, the saffron forces of 'cultural nationalism' would have no ideological leg to stand on. Hats off to Jaswant for being the first person in the parivar to see this patent truth and publicly embrace it. Without Jinnah, there would have been no BJP. No wonder Jaswant's impassioned plea of Mujhe Jinnah doh.

BJP Abandon Minority Bashing and Adopt Sincerity

Politics means publicity and selfishness. The BJP was a different party decade ago. Now after tasting power in the centre and few states it has bred many selfish leaders who are keen to score points to achieve their own mobility. At this cross road it should allow some people inside the party to hijack. It should bring back its sincerity and honesty to serve the public. The minority bashing should be abandoned and inner party reforms should be fully implemented. Without these there is no scope for BJP in the future.

The Hindu editorial writes (24 June 2009)


The Bharatiya Janata Party went into its two-day national executive meet — the first since its defeat in the 15th general election — as a bitterly divided house but emerged from it in somewhat better spirits and shape. The situation was redeemed by a near-consensus on redefining Hindutva as an ‘inclusive, tolerant’ ideology suited to modern, changing India. The meet expressed itself against the virulent brand espoused by Varun Gandhi, with some members virtually scapegoating the Philibhit speeches for the BJP’s poor performance in Uttar Pradesh. The shift to lower-key Hindutva was led by Lal Krishna Advani, the veteran of many campaigns and the ideologue of the BJP’s ‘cultural nationalism.’ In his valedictory address, he declared that the party could not and would not accept “any narrow, bigoted anti-Muslim interpretation of Hindutva.” The Advani imprint was also visible in the political resolution’s characterisation of “theocracy or any form of bigotry” as “alien to our ethos.” The part-positive, part-stoic note struck at the conclusion of the meet helped mitigate the impression that the BJP was on an irreversible descent into chaos.

After all, the internecine war that saw a group of formerly powerful members trading accusations and shooting off letters charging the leadership with a lack of accountability, favouritism, and what not had left little to the imagination. BJP president Rajnath Singh’s opening remarks at the national executive meet further muddied the waters. He reiterated the party’s commitment to Hindutva, underlining the core issues of the Ram temple, Article 370, and a Uniform Civil Code. This combined with Maneka Gandhi’s stout defence of son Varun — she was quoted as saying Muslims did not vote for the party anyway — raised the question: was the party heading back to its unapologetic Jana Sangh days? The answer came in the form of loud protests: State leaders such as Shivraj Singh Chauhan and Sushil Modi argued that in Madhya Pradesh as in Bihar the party had successfully practised a ‘more inclusive’ politics. The BJP’s Muslim face, Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi, added his weight to the proposition, and finally Mr. Advani himself offered a sharp counterview to Mr. Rajnath Singh’s ‘back to the basics’ speech. Nobody of course seriously expects the party of Hindutva to change its nature, although it does not lack the skill to paint over its spots. It is too early to say whether the new line will find favour with the BJP’s rank and file — or for that matter with the party’s minder in Jhandewalan. But Mr. Advani, who in this hour of crisis has displayed the fortitude and shrewdness of a redoubtable defeated general, can be satisfied that he has given it his best shot.

BJP's Fundamental Lacking

Thousand intellectual reasons can be told for the defeat of BJP in the last Lok Sabha elections. But the fundamental one is party indiscipline and lack of grassroot mobilisation. Unless and untill these two issues are sorted out, BJP will remain out of power forever.

Neena Vyas writes in The Hindu, 22 May 2009,

Back in Delhi after his defeat in Rampur, one of the two Muslim faces of the Bharatiya Janta Party, Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi, confessed that the hysterical campaign in his constituency between two high-profile women candidates, Noor Bano of the Congress and Jayaprada of the Samajwadi Party, had left little space for him.
But what hit him the hardest was the ‘Varun effect’ felt all across — from the Terai region to the hills of Uttarakhand. No wonder, in some regions the party got “wiped out.”
While the BJP has yet to get down to the grim business of poring over the election results to make sense of the outcome — a “chintan baithak” (brainstorming session) will be held later — partymen have in their individual capacities begun to express their views.
Some of the factors that led to the BJP losing 20-plus Lok Sabha seats are slowly beginning to get recognised. The ‘Varun effect’, the din of the ‘Advani for PM’ campaign, the mid-campaign discovery of the virtues of Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi as a prime ministerial candidate and the strident and negative campaign against Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, not to forget the public spat between general secretary Arun Jaitley and president Rajnath Singh at the start of the election process, generated negative vibes with the voter.
Even now, after the decisive defeat, the party presents the sad spectacle of its prime ministerial candidate, L.K. Advani, insisting that he would not retain the position of Leader of the Opposition and then being easily “persuaded” to stay, all in a span of 24 hours. Already there are reports of infighting among party leaders for the post of Leader of the Opposition, as and when, and if at all, a change is effected.
There is the realisation, even at the senior levels, that ‘Hindus’ cannot be consolidated into one votebank at the national level merely by hitting out against the minorities through poisonous speeches.
Hate speeches
To take the ‘Varun effect’ first: both Mr. Naqvi and the party’s only Muslim MP, Shahnawaz Hussain, were quick to denounce the hate speeches in Pilibhit. They warned senior party leaders that those would have a disastrous effect in Uttar Pradesh, besides carrying the unsavoury message across the country that the BJP could not be a party of governance if it was seen to encourage abuse of religious minorities.
But their plea fell on deaf ears, as some leaders began fantasising about the “positive impact” that Mr. Gandhi’s hate-speeches would have by raising the Hindutva temperature and the BJP’s chances of a spectacular recovery in Uttar Pradesh. Wiser after the results, some people in the BJP now say the poison not only helped consolidate the Muslim vote for the Congress but encouraged tactical voting against the BJP by the minority community.
Then, mid-way through the campaign senior leaders including Arun Shourie, Arun Jaitley and Yashwant Sinha began recounting the prime ministerial qualities of Mr. Modi. They forgot the fact that only a few weeks earlier did the Supreme Court ask the Special Investigation Team working under its supervision to look into Mr. Modi’s role in the 2002 Gujarat riots.
The ‘Modi will make a good PM’ line also received an immediate rebuff from some of the BJP’s allies, notably the Janata Dal (United).
Blame
For the high-pitched ‘Advani for PM’ campaign, the blame is being squarely laid at the doors of Mr. Advani’s office, not the BJP’s official campaign committee. The ‘Advani 4 PM’ SMS campaign; the in-your-face Advani website pop-ups on innumerable Internet sites; the well-publicised meetings Mr. Advani had with captains of industry, water experts, strategic analysts and so on, were all planned and executed from the office of the prime minister-in-waiting.
“Did that help the party?” To this simple question most party leaders say: “You should ask the people who planned it.”
Question of decency
One senior leader admitted that the attacks on Dr. Manmohan Singh — mostly by Mr. Advani himself, and also by party spokespersons — violated the normal sense of decency that most ordinary Indians have. Many Indians would have disliked the personal attack on a decent and honest man, an unassuming personality and a competent Prime Minister, one BJP leader said.
The mazboot neta (strong leader Advani) and “weak Prime Minister Manmohan Singh” slogans were laid to rest as soon as the Prime Minister responded to those repeated attacks, but the damage had been done. And the very first ‘byte’ party president Rajnath Singh gave the media after the results came in was that the BJP missed Atal Bihari Vajpayee in the campaign. It was a resounding acknowledgement of the fact that Mr. Advani was not quite Mr. Vajpayee, and that despite his gruelling campaign that involved 130 election rallies, the most by any leader in the campaign, the people were simply not impressed.
Finally, the negative images brought into focus by the party’s campaign of a people traumatised by terrorism, poverty and hunger and without any hope, did not strike the right note. The BJP failed to create any positive buzz about hope for the despairing and the oppressed.

The eighties ideological strength and political morality need to be brought back to the party if it is aiming to regain power at the Centre in the next five years.

Unstoppable Narendra Modi

Narendra Modi – The Chief Minister of Gujarat is the one of the most attacked public personalities in the recent past. Media, NGOs, opposition parties, diplomats, writers, artists, anyone and everyone slams Modi. Unconsciously they are aiding the growth and popularity of the most hatred man. People have got jobs for opposing Modi and some people have lost their jobs for praising the Gujarat hero. After the Godhra violence in 2001, Modi became an international villain. Local NGOs and political parties amply helped the media to vilify Modi. At the end Modi emerged stronger than before.

Recently Anil Ambani, Sunil Mittal and Ratan Tata the corporate figures have lavished praise on Modi. It is nothing but natural for the business stars to talk high about the hosts. For their business interests the industrialists praise the local boss. This is common everywhere. But few words about Modi during the recently held Vibrant Gujarat summit have provoked a chain of Modi vilification campaign. As in the past this is going to help him to go stronger than diminish his existing image.

Ambani and Mittal have pitched Modi as the future Prime Minister. They speculated that India can grow multiple times better if Modi becomes the national boss. Next day of these statements saw media going hammer and tongs about business stars statements. Expectedly it brought harsh reactions from the political parties and surprisingly it sent shockwaves into the Advani camp. Already reeling under revolt from Bharion Singh Shekhawat, Kalyan Singh and Shatrugun Sinha, the BJP has one more headache to wardoff anti-Advani protests from insiders. Although Modi is carefully nurtured by Advani, increasing open praises for the Gujarat CM is creating jitters in the mind of prime minister in waiting.

Yesterday CPIM had suspended its Kannur member of parliament – Abdullah Kutty for saying few words about its high caliber administrative prowess. Earlier Bibek Debroy had to lose his job in the Rajiv Gandhi Foundation for listing Gujarat as number one state in the country’s development.

Undoubtedly these controversies are making Modi more powerful. The media is inventing a new philosophy and helping Modi to move up in the political ladder. Moditva, Modinomics and modi fied isms are giving the Gujarat CM a sole flavour in the national political circuit. Many people cutting across political parties and religions are keen to embrace Modi. This was very clear from the gathered members in the National Integration Council meeting held in Delhi last month. CMs across the political spectrum were competing to handshake with Modi.

The past violence in Gujarat must be forgotten. It should not be used by any force to revive tension in the state. If the past state violence is to be punished not only Modi but there are many heads to roll. We must ensure that there won’t be any further repetition of communal carnage in the country. His efficiency in racing the state in the development track should be praised by all. Modi got 8,500 MoUs worth Rs.12 lakh crore signed for new industrial projects during the Vibrant Gujarat summit. He had get the red tape, minimized corruption and put the bureaucracy at work. Such governance is needed to deliver justice and development to all cutting across religion and other divisions.

Shekhawat Coup in BJP

The former vice president of India and a RSS stalwart Bhairon Singh Shekhawat stirred several political controversies. The man known for party discipline and gentleness had overturned his image overnight. He is firing one political missile after the other. First he expressed his open interest to contest the upcoming Lok Sabha poll. This was not well received by the BJP top leaders including the president Rajnath Singh. He ruled out that the former president should not degrade his August position by contesting any election. Of course there is a valid refrain in what Rajnath said.

Shekhawat ran a strong anti-Vasundhra Raje campaign in the recently held Rajasthan assembly election. The internal factions triggered by the former vice president and Jaswant Singh are considered to be win killer for BJP in the state. After openly demanding a enquiry commission into the bribery allegations against Vasundhra Raje Scindia, Sekhawat rakked in the missing Rs.2.5 cash in the BJP central office. Indirectly he is demanding his place against L.K.Advani for the prime ministerial chair. Apart from the personal power hungry of Sekhawat, BJP’s opponent parties may be playing the inducer role. There is less chance for other parties to play such a role because all others are in the same trouble. Pranab Mukherjee raised Rahul crowning as Prime Minister in 2009.

There is a total decay in the political culture of the country. Any one, any where any time can contest has come into force without ethics and moral standard in public life. Although Shekhawat has ethical standards he should demean his previous position – vice president of India by jumping again into the electoral fray. Certain offices are highly valued and respected despite the person occupied demits office. President, Vice President, Supreme Court Chief Justice, chiefs of armed forces, election commission chairpersons, governors and other high positions. These posts require unbiased handling and utmost sincerity. Sekhawat handled his Chairpersonship of Rajya Sabha and vice presidentship despite his lifelong opponent party Congress came to power.

Now he should safeguard his respect and dignity by not contesting any elections in the future. This will set a bad precedent for the future leaders. A seasoned politician and long old hand in the Indian politics, Sekhawat should set good example for others. He can involve in socio-cultural activities. If his health permits he should tour the country as former vice president and inspiration people in the national developmental activities. So far no other presidents or vice presidents have jumped into the electoral contest after demitting office. Shekhwat should not occupy the dubious distinction of the first August office holder to break this age-old high tradition.

Sooner or later the government should bring a legislation banning the high profile constitutional office bearers from contesting elections. Especially the high profile election commission, judiciary, public service commissions, apart from president, vice president and governors should be barred from contesting elections and occupying posts lower than their previous ones.

Naturally most human beings are not inclined towards safeguarding their previous status. They will go down to any level when they are power hungry. Only strong legislation and strong enforcement can check these high standard violations.